May 30, 1989
Statue of Goddess of Democracy Erected on TianAnMen Square
Source: Compiled by Zuofeng Li from The Boston Globe, The Christian Science Monitor, and The New York Times, May 30, 1989BEIJING - In a demonstration that seemed momentarily to breathe new life into China's faltering democracy movement, protesters started at midnight to assemble a gleaming white replica of the Statue of Liberty in Tiananmen Square. More than 100,000 demonstrators and sympathetic onlookers cheered.
It seemed like a misplaced Fourth of July celebration as students from the Beijing Art Institute carried the statue in three pieces into the huge plaza.
The procession weaved its way to a point midway between the Monument to the Heroes of the Revolution and the gigantic portrait of Chairman Mao hanging from the Gate of Heavenly Peace.
Fireworks streaked through the air, exploding in bright flashes above the emotional throngs. A few Chinese wept openly; others chanted exuberant slogans calling for free speech and other political rights.
Some of the Chinese demonstrators seemed a bit unclear about the identity of the statue. "I don't know who she is, but she is very beautiful," said Ming Liang, 23, a volunteer nurse at one of the first aid stations scattered on the square.
Last night, plainclothes police could be seen observing the activities in the square from the rooftops of surrounding government buildings. Rumors swept among the demonstrators that a military crackdown was imminent.
If and when the soldiers come, they will have difficulty removing the Lady Liberty statue. The students are affixing its base to the pavement with concrete and bolts. The image appeared to be constructed of plaster of Paris on a wire frame.
"There is no way the government can come out of this one looking good," one observer said this morning. "Can you imagine the TV pictures and news photos of People's Army soldiers smashing down the Statue of Liberty?"
For the first time in years, propaganda loudspeakers boomed out today over the low-slung houses and orange-tiled imperial monuments of Beijing, all but submerging with the sheer power of sonic amplification the lesser loudspeaker belonging to pro-democracy protesters.
The Government's high-decibel message urges the demonstrators to withdraw from the square. It repeats in thunderously syrupy tones what the newspapers have been saying lately - that the student protesters are motivated by laudable patriotic sentiments.
The students camped out in Tiananmen Square were trying their best to keep up their end of the loudspeaker competition, broadcasting their own messages.
But for the most part, the superior amplitude of the Government's loudspeakers seemed a not-very-subtle emblem of the balance of forces emerging in the confrontation between student protesters and the Communist authorities of China. Two weeks ago, when a million people took to the streets to prevent the army from entering Beijing to enforce martial law, it seemed as if "people power" was winning.
But now, like a giant kicked in the stomach, the vast and powerful Chinese state, with its total control of the propaganda apparatus, has regained its breath, showing that, if it cannot persuade the students to give up their pro-democracy demonstrations, it can at least shout them down.
Conservative leaders in the past week have launched a broad effort to snuff out support for the student movement and its liberal aims through stricter press controls, intimidation, and an effort to renew a "united front."
In a clear reversal by a chief supporter of the student movement, National People's Congress leader Wan Li said Sunday that conspirators have taken "advantage of the student movement to create turmoil deliberately in an attempt to overthrow the leadership of the Communist Party and to change the socialist system.
Several intellectuals and journalists who support the movement say they fear the measures may lead to a crackdown against China's potent pro-democracy movement.
Although harsh, a campaign against the liberal movement is unlikely to be as severe as similar party efforts against dissent since 1949, according to Chinese intellectuals and journalists.
Excerpt from a Tsinghua Student's Diary:
~{⊙ 1989年5月30日 星期二~}[Back to June 4th Homepage] [Back to CND Homepage]
~{ 凌晨的时候回到纪念碑,忽然有人跑上纪念碑来说,就在刚才,凌晨一点钟时,~}
~{在北京饭店门口西边的长安街上,从一辆带警灯的新式北京吉普上下来两人,把路边~}
~{一个骑车者强行抓了上车,那人奋力挣扎,从车上摔下两个笔记本,那辆车很快地开~}
~{走了。~}
~{ 当时在场的目击者拾到这两个笔记本交到广场来,其中一本是抄的大字报资料,~}
~{另一本中写有“89.5.29筹200元给xxx”(这人是工人自治会中管财务~}
~{的负责人)的字样。这个被抓者现在估计叫沈银汉,是工人自治会的执行委员之一。~}
~{ 那人又说,前天下午4点,大游行之后,那支这些日子以来经常在广场和附近转~}
~{的摩托车队的队长,在北京站附近的一个小饭馆里被两个便衣抓走了。车队的部分其~}
~{他成员也受到传讯和逮捕。市民纠察队的成员也有人受到恐吓和传讯,有两人被抓,~}
~{其中一人已被放回。那个车队队长叫王藏起,他母亲找到广场来要求帮助。~}
~{ 在这里还碰到一个现场指挥部情报部的人,他说现在的要求是:1)召开两会和~}
~{政协,取消戒严。2)认为李鹏宣布戒严是违宪行为,要求人大弹劾。至于柴玲的辞~}
~{职则尚未被批准,现仍为代指挥,负责组建新的指挥机构。他还说绝食是各界联席会~}
~{议搞的,他不知道具体情况。~}
~{ 到了早晨,听到工人自治会的广播,说沈银汉的确被捕了。另一位执委,叫白宗~}
~{雄的,也被铁路公安分局抓走了。广播还说自治会将于上午9点到公安局交涉,要求~}
~{释放工人代表。并称爱国无罪,组织符合宪法。~}
~{ 这个组织的全称为“首都工人自治联合会筹委会”,前几天就出现了,办公地点~}
~{设在天安门城楼的西侧观礼台下。我一直想知道这个组织里都是些什么人。从现在的~}
~{感觉看,似乎这里面确有一些认真做事的人,工作正在有条不紊地展开。今天他们正~}
~{在天安门这里接受报名,进行会员登记,工作很像个样子。~}
~{ 在广场的北端,“民主之神”像还在吊装。这个像分成上下几块,看上去都是用~}
~{白色石膏做的,现在都已在脚手架上了。十几个学生正在脚手架上忙着,要将这个像~}
~{逐块地垒叠连结起来。~}
~{ 看着他们在那里特专业化地工作着,我觉得很来劲。据说这个像是三天前开始做~}
~{的,一共有50多人参加设计和制作,连续做了三天三夜,昨晚分用6辆三轮车拉到~}
~{这里。~}
~{ 在像的周围有很多人在围观,我见到雷强在这里负责纠察,就跟他打招呼,他即~}
~{把我放进了纠察线。在这里和林冉他们分了手,约定下午两点在地铁站口会齐。~}
~{ 纠察圈内是一些记者及准备参加揭幕仪式的八个艺术院校的学生代表。这八个院~}
~{校是:中央美术学院(这个像就是他们做的),中央工艺美术学院,中央戏剧学院,~}
~{中央音乐学院,北京电影学院,北京舞蹈学院,北京戏曲学院和电影音乐学院。~}
~{ 我在纠察圈内坐下,和身边一位外国记者聊起天来。那个记者说建这么个像在这~}
~{里真是个好主意。他又说有一点不太明白,他说在西方国家,如果学生搞什么反对政~}
~{府的运动,工人往往是站在政府一边的,可是在这里,工人却和学生站在一起。我说~}
~{你讲的没错,在这场运动里,各阶层群众的要求其实并不是很一致的,学生和知识界~}
~{人士要求的可能是激进的改革,而工人和大部分群众希望的则是政府能够提高工资、~}
~{增加福利,这两者在实施上是不同的甚至是矛盾的。但现在的问题并不是我们要政府~}
~{这样做还是那样做的问题,而是政府压根就不理睬我们,对所有群众的意见都采取禁~}
~{止和打击镇压的态度,因此我们现在有一个共同的敌人,就是政府。也许有一天,我~}
~{们真的把政府打败了,可以按我们自己的主张做事情时,学生和工人的矛盾就会出现~}
~{了。现在,还不到那个时候。~}
~{ 这个时候,女神像已经搭建完成了。这是一个壮健的女子,双手在右侧举起一支~}
~{火炬,整个像有两层楼那么高,加上底座有三层楼那么高。虽然刻划得还比较粗,但~}
~{已经很不错了,矗立在广场上实在很棒!~}
~{ 中午12点整,一个女同学宣布“民主之神”像正式揭幕,并朗读了一篇宣言。~}
~{汪红也在这里,她用英语朗读了这篇宣言。之后是艺术家和市民代表一起给女神像揭~}
~{幕,并放了气球。然后是音乐学院学生的演出,唱了“血染的风采”、“欢乐颂”等~}
~{歌。最后大家齐唱国际歌,齐呼口号。~}
~{ 仪式结束后人群开始散去,纠察队仍留下来护卫女神像。我看见几个外国记者围~}
~{着汪红在采访,等他们采访完,我上去跟汪红打招呼。汪红说她们老二也来了,就用~}
~{现场的广播在那里叫:老二,老二,你在哪里,快过来。不一会儿,一个女孩走了过~}
~{来,这回才见了庐山真面目,她还说我长得跟她想像的不一样。~}
~{ 三个人边走边聊。汪红告诉我,她听人说政府又在悄悄地找学生组织接触对话,~}
~{说学生已派人去了,提出两条:1)正确评价学运,2)召开特别会议对近期的事态~}
~{进行审议。说是两条答应一条即可。~}
~{ 汪红还说,刚才华盛顿某广播电台采访她时,提到一个谣传,说今晚12点是邓~}
~{小平让学生离开广场的deadline。~}
~{ 我则对汪红说,现在有一个“各界联席会议”的组织,不知道都是些什么人在里~}
~{面,我听广播说他们的办公点在北大28楼二层,你要是感兴趣可以去看看。~}
~{ 汪红还告诉我,今天上午10点在纪念碑上开了个新闻发布会,宣布柴玲、王丹~}
~{将回北大休息,现场由封从德和李禄全权负责。还说报名绝食的人已有300多。~}
~{ 告别了汪红我就返回纪念碑,在广播台里找到李禄、封从德和柴玲,我问他们绝~}
~{食的事,他们说也不清楚,只见到一个通知,一份宣言,似乎是知识界的人发起的。~}
~{ 两点的时候来到地铁站口,等来等去都不见林冉她们。昨晚一宿没睡,于是决定~}
~{独自骑车回校。经过新华门前时,我去问在那里静坐的政法的学生,他们说听说了绝~}
~{食这件事,但也不了解,只是据说今天下午或明天早晨,就会进驻广场或新华门开始~}
~{绝食。~}
~{ 回到清华后,我到18号楼的筹委会那里,打了个电话给政法主楼那边。是刘高~}
~{接的电话,他说是有绝食这回事,但不清楚细节,说包遵信也不清楚,可能是教委系~}
~{统的青年知识分子发起的。刘还说我可以跟社科院联系了解,可到广场上社科院的营~}
~{地找人联络。~}
~{ 我又打电话给北大的学生自治会,那边说绝食将在明天开始,她们那里有几个人~}
~{能与这帮绝食的联系上,细节她们也不清楚。说是明天开始后就都知道了。~}
~{ 下午5点15分,北大自治会打来电话,说他们一原自治会成员打电话来说,有~}
~{消息说今晚军队要进京!当时北高联也有人在场,就说让北大计划一下,北大于是建~}
~{议派人在城市外围各处放哨,监视情况,并提出一个分配表:~}
~{ 北京工大, 负责 大北窑、双井、劲松------北京东南~}
~{ 经济学院, 负责 红庙、八王坟---------北京东~}
~{ 化工学院, 负责 牛王庙、小关北站、和平里车站-北京东北~}
~{ 民族学院, 负责 西直门------------北京北站~}
~{ 农业工大, 负责 清河-------------北京北~}
~{ 人大、师大,负责 永定门、天坛---------北京南~}
~{ 理工大, 负责 丰台站、丰台路口-------北京西南~}
~{ 清华, 负责 公主坟------------北京西~}
~{ 北大, 负责 颐和园方向----------北京西北~}
~{ 晚上到林冉、华华的宿舍去,都没回来。我于是回宿舍睡觉。睡到一半被人拍醒~}
~{,原来坚坚回来了。我给他在其他宿舍找到张空床,安排他睡觉。~}
~{ 坚坚说分手之后,他们听广播台叫大家快到公安局去,说那里警察正在抓人。他~}
~{们于是和很多人一起跑到广场西南面的市公安局门口,一问才知道,是一个人拍了便~}
~{衣的照,那便衣把相机夺走,就跑到局里去了。抢夺中发生冲突,有多名群众被打。~}
~{ 人群于是聚集在公安局门口静坐,要求公安局释放被抓的工人。开始时有三四百~}
~{人静坐,后来渐渐减少了。警察倒也没有采取更多的激烈行动。~}
~{ 后来他们返回广场,又到新华门前问是否有人在此绝食,那里的学生说没有。于~}
~{是他们和那些学生一起静坐,后来就睡着了。一觉醒来天都黑了,三人才一起回校。~}
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